Why do the bad things of the fake Brussels report outnumber the good things that it could bring through the opening of negotiations? Even if drafted with good intentions, why do the report and the negotiations it could bring push us into a bad direction? In my previous article, I promised to give arguments for these questions.
My main argument is based on the thesis that Albania, under the direction of its politico-economical class, during these 25 years has made no step forward, not even small ones, in the right direction, but has gone off into the wrong direction. And, as a result, the movement in this wrong direction hasn’t brought us closer to what may be called European standards – which we may in short refer to as “rule of law” – but increasingly into the direction of a failed state, captured by the oligarchy and organized crime, so much so that it could be referred to as “narcostate.”
As proof for this I would only like to mention three things that seem telling to me. First, the Albanian economy, which has always been weak, informal, and linked to crime, and in recent years supported as never before by funds from organized crime. Second, precisely because of this Albanian economic phenomenon, Albanian politics has increasingly become a representative and manager of criminal interests. Third, as a result of the despair created by this process of decay the number of Albanians that leave the country has dramatically increased in recent years.
To deny this reality with false data or pseudo-reforms seems to me a weak attempt, but, nevertheless, the question asked by several supporters of Albania is: even if under the current conditions, wouldn’t it be better that Albania would enter bit more into the EU’s fold, because that’s how these phenomena of decay couldn’t be halted more easily?
In my opinion, this serious proposal warrants a proper discussion both within the country and in the European countries that will make the decision. I hope that this article facilitates such a discussion, which in Albania is repressed by the propaganda of Rama that aims to intimidate the opposition and any criticism with the accusation that criticism of his government or Brussels obstructs the aspiration of the Albanians to enter the EU, and that they are made – as if – by anti-Albanians sold or bought by the enemy.
Keeping sight of Europe and its standards has played and continues to play a positive role in preventing Albania from sliding into an even more problematic situation, but in my opinion opening the negotiations unaccompanied by true progress in Albania would devalue this perspective, which, already in the current situation, has lost much with the passing of the years. I even think that the opening of EU negotiations with Albania would have more negative than positive consequences in the long term, not only for Europe but also for the European project.
One of the most negative consequences of recognizing a fake progress would be that more than encouragement for the Albanian people, it would be an encouragement of the political class which has brought the country into this miserable state. As is known, the struggle to be legitimized by Europe is unfortunately much more important for the Albanian political class than the struggle to be legitimized by its own people.
It is enough to consider that during the entire time that he was accused by the opposition or media for the cannabization of Albania and its tragic consequences for the state, Prime Minister has used the internationals as argument: “If this were the case why doesn’t the EU Ambassador say anything? Why doesn’t the US Ambassador say anything?” Opening the negotiations would give Rama his next round of ammunition to deny any criticism of any opponent with the question: “So why did they open negotiations with us?” And what’s even worse, this would give him free hand to continue to put the state he leads to the service of his own interests, a minority of oligarchs, and organized crime with ever more irreparable consequences for the economy, democracy, and freedom.
But still, someone would insist, opening the negotiations would make it easier to put a halt to this process through the mechanism of negotiations. Referring to the experience so far with the relations between Albania and the EU, I think that, especially considering the current state of the EU, their correcting and negotiating power is very small and evermore decreasing because its authority and legitimacy are in decline. This is clearly shown by its impotence to halt the anti-union and authoritarian phenomena that occur within its current borders. The example of Turkey, which has been in negotiation since 2002 and has made dramatic steps backward could be another one.
In the long term, in the context of a process of European unification that is increasingly in difficulty because of anti-European, nationalist, and authoritarian tendencies, an Albania whose state is captured by crime would be yet another argument to undo the European project. Therefore, as I see the Albanian and European reality, Edi Rama and the people that support him need, while it’s not yet too late, to hear from the EU ultimatums regarding the miserable state in which they have led the country rather than encouragement and legitimization.
First published by Panorama, translated by Exit.
